- Zayar joins Myanmar insurgency
- Ethnic groups unite against military
- Unity challenges dictatorship
A young warrior surveys the area from the uppermost level of a dilapidated church made of concrete, which has been under construction for the past two years in this remote region of southeast Myanmar.
21-year-old Zayar, a Muslim community member from Myanmar, fled the military regime in his country’s capital city of Yangon to this insurgent camp near the Thai border, remarking that construction has been a sluggish process.
A constant threat of aerial bombardment from military aircraft looms over this Karen State hamlet, also known as Kayin, where money and employment are scarce.
However, the Karen ethnic group has gradually managed to construct their chapel.
“Previously, we considered the Karen people to be dacoits [bandits],” said Zayar, who only a year ago joined the Karen uprising against the Myanmar military.
“People are now aware of the actual situation,” he stated.
Zayar’s perception of the Karen, one of Myanmar’s most sizable minority groups, was shaped by derogatory portrayals and preconceived notions disseminated by the country’s military leaders. These generals, predominantly of Bamar ethnic descent, have violently repressed the aspirations of Myanmar’s diverse ethnic communities for decades.
Since the 1940s, the Myanmar military’s attempts to subdue the country’s minorities have fueled one of the world’s longest-lasting conflicts.
A significant part of Myanmar is currently embroiled in an uprising that merges decades-long ethnic struggles for self-determination with the recent armed effort to restore democracy as military leaders mark their third year in power.
In October, the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), two other formidable ethnic armed groups, and Bamar combatants launched an offensive against the military from their base in the Kokang region, a Mandarin-speaking area along the border with China.
The coalition, known as the Three Brotherhood Alliance, has achieved remarkable triumphs against the Myanmar military since overthrowing the civilian government led by Aung San Suu Kyi in February 2021.
An increasing number of armed actors are now part of the resistance against the country’s military overlords, significantly bolstering public faith in the movement and its campaign.
However, the alliance’s goal of ousting the military remains challenged by a complex historical backdrop of animosities and scepticism among numerous ethnic armed factions – divisions the military has previously exploited to its advantage.
As the alliance’s offensive moves from rural to urban areas in Myanmar’s west, north, and east, the military struggles to regain its footing, raising concerns that the insurgents’ collaboration may prove fragile.
Unity as a concept of purpose
Zayar, carrying his rifle over his shoulder, makes his way to his camp along a path that passes by maize and peanut fields. His involvement in the revolution highlights numerous aspirations and paradoxes characterizing the Myanmar conflict.
Zayar joined the Kawthoolei Army (KTLA), a factional organization founded by General Ner Dah Bo Mya, who split from the Karen National Union (KNU) armed movement in 2021 for refusing to cooperate in an investigation into the alleged killing of a group of men by his fighters, on the advice of a friend.
Ner Dah Bo Mya, asserting that the twenty-five unarmed men were military spies, has not denied his forces were responsible for the killings.
Furthermore, he has cultivated a fiery reputation for his KTLA unit, attracting young individuals eager to take up arms to overthrow the military dictatorship.
While engaged in military conflict, the KTLA and the KNU have also clashed in southern Myanmar. Yet, KTLA fighters and personnel under KNU command have collaborated on operations at other times.
According to political analyst Kim Jolliffe of Myanmar, unity is predominantly responsible for the ongoing armed revolt’s success.
Unity Key for Myanmar’s Future
Jolliffe stated that unity is crucial for military success and laying the groundwork for a post-military Myanmar.
Transitioning the nation from a “highly coercive centralized state” that “creates perpetual conflict” to one where “all ethnic groups are equal in a genuine power-sharing arrangement” is essential, he stated.
Jolliffe mentioned, “The revolution must find a way to establish a balance of power and a system that promotes diversity, preventing any single group from positioning itself as the dominant chauvinist controller.”
Localized conflicts and tensions among resistance groups will likely continue in certain areas. “However, there’s little evidence to suggest that this will significantly alter the revolution’s overall direction,” he added.
Although some ethnic factions have opted to support the military or remain neutral, most of the country’s formidable ethnic armed groups have committed their forces and resources to the ongoing fight against the generals.
Zayar stated that he had risked everything for the revolution.
He asserts, “Life under the dictatorship is worse than death.” “I will resist until the day I die.”
Zayar is an advocate for equality
Being Muslim in predominantly Buddhist Myanmar, he has been derogatorily called a “kalar” by some, a term for Muslims or people of South Asian descent in Myanmar. He claims his official Myanmar national identification certificate categorizes him as “Muslim” by both religion and ethnicity.
He expressed, “When the government labelled me that, I felt discriminated against.”
“My ancestral home is Myanmar. Certainly, my name is Myanmar.”
Zayar joined the ranks of the revolution belatedly in April 2023, over two years after military chief commander Min Aung Hlaing took power from Aung San Suu Kyi.
Some within the military are reluctant to support coup commander Min Aung Hlaing, who has orchestrated a series of heinous acts against civilians across the nation since taking power.
To bolster their ranks, the military has reportedly been abducting young men from the streets at night and threatening to burn down villages, according to outlets like Frontier Myanmar and Radio Free Asia.
The military’s violent actions following the coup have forced nonviolent protesters to seek combat training with ethnic insurgents, transforming the regime’s previously inexperienced adversaries into seasoned fighters.
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Military troop movements have become less frequent, relying primarily on heavy weaponry and air strikes from fortified positions. Mass surrenders by regime forces have reinforced the perception that morale among the rank and file is waning.
Dissatisfaction with Min Aung Hlaing’s leadership within the military has also sparked persistent rumours that the coup leader might be overthrown by his soldiers.
Fighters opposing the regime, including Zayar, recognize the importance of maintaining unity with other factions as they aim to free Myanmar from military rule.
However, Zayar and others’ decision to join splinter armed groups, such as the KTLA, presents a paradox that may lead to disunity in the resistance against the military regime.
